INTRODUCTION

Hoards from different periods differ in content and composition. During the Roman Iron Age and the Migration Period 0–550 A.D., gold predominated the hoards, whereas hoards from the Viking Age 800–1150 A.D. mainly consist of silver. They may include bullion, cut silver, coins, jewellery and other types of processed metal.

During the Viking Age, hoards were deposited in the ground throughout Scandinavia, although the most common occurrence was on Gotland. Here over 700 separate hoards of precious metals have been unearthed. Some consist of a simple bracelet, while others comprise several thousand items.

Hoards with typical Viking Age traits have also been found outside the Nordic countries, e.g. in Northern Germany, Poland, the Baltic countries, Finland and Russia. The border between areas containing typical Viking Age hoards and areas where hoards are less frequent and more homogenous runs roughly along a northwesterly-southeasterly line from the North Sea via the Elbe down towards the Black Sea. In the regions west and south of this border, domestic coins were produced and hoards are rare.

What gave rise to this exceptionally large abundance of hoards on Gotland cannot be established with any great degree of accuracy. It is also interesting to note that the deposition of hoards had a longer duration on Gotland than anywhere else in Scandinavia, whilst simultaneously the island was the first to introduce systematic coinage

The study and interpretation of the hoards can be approached in many different ways. Since the hoards formed a part of the society where they were buried, they should be interpreted from this point of view, i.e. in their original context.

To begin with we can consider the hoards as phenomena. Their pure existence is of interest as such. The reasons for putting their wealth aside, or for deliberately burying treasure can vary from period to period, or from person to person within the same period. This also applies to the composition of the hoards. The hoards need not be studied as a whole; each item carries an interesting story in itself.

Comprehension of the hoards is a question of definition. What we today call a hoard need not have been considered a hoard when it was deposited or lost. Within the science of archaeology a hoard is defined as one or several items of silver or gold that were deposited in a place chosen by the owner.

It might be difficult to ascertain if certain objects, e.g. coins, have been lost or deliberately hidden away. The limit for what can be considered as a hoard of coins has therefore been set at two to five coins, depending on the dates of the coins and the nature of their context. Larger solitary objects, e.g. bangles, bracelets and neckrings, penannular brooches, etc, are counted as hoards, provided the yield as a whole does not suggest the contrary. A hoard differs from e.g. a grave, where the objects are considered as grave goods.

To a certain extent treasure requires a construction of mental activity. If someone deposits objects with the idea that these represent a hoard, then these objects differ from those deposited as grave goods or sacrifice. This cannot, however, be discerned from the treasure itself, which means that prehistoric treasures must be defined according to criteria constructed by ourselves. Objects that have been dropped or lost as a result of unexpected incidents, e.g. sea disasters, might not have represented treasures then – although they do today.

A person’s conception of the world governs his or her attitude to the surroundings and material culture. The conception of the world permeates every aspect of a person’s or society’s actions in life. If an accurate interpretation of the archaeological source material is to be achieved, awareness of the fact that the prehistoric and Medieval person’s conception of the world was different to ours is essential.

The study of the Viking Age and Early Medieval sagas, as well as the more recent legends can also provide an interesting perspective to our prehistoric and Medieval hoards. These literary sources and oral traditions have adopted a different approach to the hoards than the science of archaeology. Even if we cannot draw up exact parallels between the conception of treasure provided by the saga material and the prehistoric community, this material does at least provide a framework for our prehistoric and Medieval hoard inventory.

During the decades around the year of our Lord, the border for the vast Roman Empire, called Limes in Latin, was pushed northwards to the natural frontiers of the Rhine and Danube. Around this border, substantial economic, political and cultural contacts were to be established during the ensuing five hundred years.

Contacts between the mighty empires of the Continent and the various tribes in the North resulted in a continuous flow of goods across large geographic areas. The leaders of the ruling classes wanted to acquire tokens of loyalty and allegience both within their own community and from their contacts with external powers. Political and military alliances were manifested by way of gifts and marriage agreements, which would have a unifying effect on the material culture.

Imported luxury goods lying side by side with domestic craftwork were prevelant in graves and hoards throughout the period from the Roman Iron Age to the Merovingian (Vendel) Period. Exotic and inaccessible objects from foreign parts disclose contacts beyond the borders of the domestic community. Simultaneously, the people seem to have been very particular about emphasising their own distinctive character and origins. This could be achieved through domestic prestige objects, with a characteristic Nordic idiom.

The period between 400 and 550 A.D. has been called the Golden Age of the North. During this period the flow of gold to Scandinavia was greater than ever before. The main bulk was probably in the form of Roman gold coins, so-called solidi. These probably represented wages and tributes distributed among Scandinavian leaders or warriors.

In the Roman and Byzantine Empires gold, precious stones and purple were symbols of a high social rank. Amongst the multitude of signs of rank, symbols of loyalty towards a certain leader included gold rings and Roman Emperor medallions.

In Byzantine itself the gold coins circulated within very restricted social circles – in dealings between the state, the army and the large landowners. Of highest prestige were the large gold coins. Emperors used them as gifts to consolidate friendship and alliances. The Roman Emperor medallions even became prototypes for the Germanic gold bracteates.

People in the Nordic chiefdoms were reckoned as belonging to the Germanic tribes. Their knowledge of the power and rank symbols of the Continental empires was gained from the numerous Germanic recruits in the Roman army, and from the Roman practice of enfeoffing various Germanic warrior groups with land in the imperial provinces.

People in the Nordic communities adopted and reshaped various ways of displaying their power and prestige, whose origins in many cases were to be found on the Continent.

The roman emperor medallions were used as prototypes for the Germanic gold bracteates. The gold bracteates have been unearthed in various places throughout Scandinavia. As time progressed, they underwent an interesting figurative development, from an almost naturalistic portrayal of a human head on the oldest bracteates to a highly stylized animal ornamentation on the most recent ones. The development of the gold bracteates can be divided into four phases, A, B, C and D bracteates.

It would seem that the ornamentation changed according to what was deemed important to express in the environment where the gold bracteates circulated. Characteristics and attributes would appear to have been of greater interest than an actual leader of flesh and blood. The development suggests that the most significant elements were motion and a blurred distinction between man and beast. Maybe it is against this background that we should attempt to decipher the Nordic animal ornamentation.

  A study of phases B and C in the development of the gold bracteates indicates a connection between the figures represented, and the various stories in Ancient Nordic mythology. Of particular common occurrence are the figural representations connected with Oden, the highest of the Viking Age gods.

On Gotland, apart from C-bracteates, a number of so-called E-bracteates have been unearthed. They, like the D-bracteates, display a highly stylized animal ornamentation, but they differ from the D-bracteates, as regards style. The E-bracteates are by far the most common bracteate group on Gotland and display a remarkable similarity to the serpent triptych on the picture stone from Smiss in När parish. This motif is also common on a group of round Migration Period brooches from Gotland. The significance of the symbol was probably common knowledge among the contemporary Gotlanders.

The Havor hoard was unearthed during a scientific excavation of Havor Ringfort in Hablingbo Parish in the south of Gotland in 1961. It consisted of a Roman bronze situla, containing a wine ladle and strainer, three bronze ladles inwardly tin-foiled and two bronze bells also of Roman origin.

The most remarkable item, however, was a golden neck ring with a diameter of over 24 cm. It is about 100 years older than the Roman wine service and its place of origin is unknown. It displays similiarities both with the Celtic neck ring type called Torques and neck rings from Southern Russia. It might nevertheless have been produced on Gotland. The size of the ring would suggest that it was not intended for use by any human being, but rather as an attribute of a statue of a god or goddess.

The ladles and strainers were originally intended for use in wine drinking. The original function of the bronze bells is somewhat less certain, but they are a common occurrence in yields from Roman citadels. The bells may have had some ceremonial function in the customs connected with wine drinking.

During the 9th century, the vikings’ trading journeys to the vast Russian market underwent an expansion. The Early Viking Age silver hoards contained almost exclusively Arabic silver coins, so-called dirhams. They flowed in great quantities from the Islamic Empire to the towns along the Russian rivers and out towards the Baltic Sea Coast.

For each decade that passed, the number of coins in the hoards increased. The Gotlandic yields account for almost half of all the the 9th century dirhams found in Sweden. Of the total number of 689 000 Arabic, Volga-Bulgarian and Byzantine coins unearthed in Sweden, 513 000 come from Gotland.

"Stavar’s treasure" is one of the most legendary hoards on Gotland. The first part of the legend is connected with the Icelandic kings’ sagas. There the tale is told of how the Norwegian Viking chieftain Erik Jarl and his band set sail for Gotland with a view to plunder.

At that time a powerful Viking chief called Stavar the Great was said to own a farm at Bandlunde Bay in the south of Gotland. When the Norsemen were sighted off the coast, he buried an enormous treasure, and then set off to meet the enemy. In the ensuing battle Stavar and his men were mortally wounded.

The second part of the legend takes place in the first half of the 1880s. The yeoman from Häffinds, Göran Andersson, was on his way home after a Christening party. He was blind drunk, and apparently he was given a lift home by none other than Stavar the Great himself.

Stavar had shown him the hoard, which he wanted to bestow on Göran, who was a descendant of Stavar. Göran knew that such hoards never boded well for anyone, and declined the offer. But in order to avoid Stavar’s wrath, he requested that the hoard should be a bequest to his great-great-grandchildren. Stavar acquiesced, and as ratification of their agreement he gave Göran some coins from the hoard.

Göran Andersson’s great-great-grandchildren were very much aware of the legend of Stavar, and of their rightful claim. In the 1950s some of them got in touch with the archaeologist Erik Nylén, in order to stake their claim, despite the fact that the family farm had fallen into other hands in the meantime.

However, the prediction in the legend didn’t come true. The descendants didn’t find the hoard, but a school class from the neighbouring village of Hemse did. In 1975, they were playfully engaged in living-prehistory activities at the legendary site. In the sand around a rabbit hole they found a dozen ancient coins. They turned out to be part of a hoard comprising a total of 1 452 Arabic dirhams and a number of silver spiral rings.

The tale, along with the fact that the treasure was actually found, makes Stavar’s hoard one of the most remarkable hoards ever unearthed in the North.

In the archaeological source material from the Nordic countries it can be discerned that towards the end of the Viking Age, a general increase in specialisation within the food and crafts industries occurred. To a certain extent this is connected with the increase in production for trading and with the emergence of towns.

During the course of the Viking Period, a number of trading stations, that had been seasonally in use, gained increasing significance for trading throughout the year. Eminent traders and craftsmen took up residence in the most well-visited trading stations along the important trading routes and became permanent dwellers.

Along the Gotlandic coast there was a significant number of trading harbours during the Viking Age. They were of all sizes from the small fishing stations for individual farms to large ports and trading sites with almost permanent activity, catering for an extensive market area. Excavations of Viking Age harbours like Paviken, Bandlundeviken, Bogeviken and Fröjel on Gotland have yielded foreign silver coins, balance scales and remains of crafts that all suggest that trading and craftwork have been carried out on the sites.

Towards the end of the Viking Period trading was concentrated to a small number of harbours. From what is generally presumed to have been a state of competition, Visby would eventually emerge as the victor.

Silver hoards from the later Viking Age indicate that contacts with the world around had undergone changes. Towards the end of the 10th century the flow of coins from the east dwindled. The Arabic dirhams were replaced by western coins from a large number of areas.

Coins from England and Germany are by far the most common. 63 900 of the total number of 95 100 German coins found in Sweden come from Gotland. Of the total sum of 42 200 Anglo-Saxon coins, 26 300 come from Gotland.

Simultaneously with the increased specialisation within crafts and agriculture, the silver hoards grew in size and were concentrated to the coast. The wealth would seem to have been divided between fewer hands, possibly in connection with an increase in the export of Gotlandic goods.

The quotation is from the Icelandic Ynglinga saga, which was written down in the 13th century. The quotation has sometimes been used as an argument supporting the theory that the Viking Age hoards were buried for religious purposes, and that they were never intended for use in this life.

The mere existence of the Viking Age silver hoards is a mystery to the present day person. In order to answer the question of why the hoards were hidden away and why they remained in the soil, we must first find out the significance of the silver to Viking Age people. Did the silver hoards belong to individuals, men or women, groups of people, or were they considered as real property and belonging to the farm? Were the hoards deposited with the idea that they would one day be recovered or were they to remain hidden for eternity?

Gotland’s Viking Age silver hoards have been interpreted as a manifestation of the island’s supreme wealth in the Baltic Sea Region during the period in question. Basically, silver is thought to have been the means of payment, the silver hoards representing an economic surplus. This wealth was probably created through trade, a trading activity that was to make Visby the leading trading town in the Baltic Sea area during the Early Medieval Period. Excavations of stray find locations have shown that most silver hoards are lying in the immediate vicinity of the Viking Age settlements. The majority actually seem to have been hidden indoors! Hoards from the Early Viking Age would seem today to have been concentrated around the richest agricultural areas, whereas the hoards from the Late Viking Age tend to be concentrated to the coastal areas.

The reasons for depositing the treasures may have differed from one period to another, and may have been varied during the same period. Maybe the silver was stashed away to be brought out again when needed. In this way the Viking Age cache would have had the same function as today’s safe deposit box. If the owner of the hoard kept the location of the deposition a secret, this secret might well have followed him or her to the grave.

If no use was ever found for the silver, which then remained stashed away for a generation or two, time might have obliterated all recollection of its existence. Human forgetfulness should not be underestimated when discussing reasons why the hoards were never recovered. Even today, people tend to stash away money and valuables, then think no more of it, even omitting to disclose the whereabouts to their relatives.

Another suggestion is that the hoards are symptomatic of periods of turmoil and war, with the ensuing threat of pillaging, or that the treasures were stashed away prior to a distant journey undertaken by the owner. That these hoards were later never retrieved could be due to the fact that the owners died in battle, or failed to return from their journeys.

The silver may have represented something other than means of payment in our definition of "money". The fact that the hoards are somehow connected with the Viking Age settlement is a point worth consideration. Maybe the silver was buried in connection with marriage and change of ownership of the farm, to be left as part of the farm’s prosperity.

Farm expansion had already reached a maximum as early as in the Viking Age. There was very little space left for land reclamation. Farms were hereditary, and division between several hands was not deemed desirable. Under these circumstances there would have been a tendency to delay the handing down of the farm to the next generation, and to restrict population growth.

Late marriage would delay this hand-over, as well as providing indirect birth control. Since silver was not all that accessible it might have been used in connection with marriage, as a bride price, morning gift or dowry. The time it would have taken for the man to acquire the necessary amount of silver for a desired marriage might have been sufficient to postpone the change of ownership and delay the handing down of the farm to the next generation.

The symbolic prestige value of the silver would obviously fall if the silver was to become more accessible. It should thus have been desirable to keep the silver within the boundaries of the farm as long as possible. The silver hoards would thus represent wealth of a different kind than the pure market value, having its most significant worth within the community in which the marriage took place.

Once the marriage had taken place, the primary value of the silver might have rested in its function as "fixed investment" and would have been considered as part of the family or farm wealth, not as personal property that could be disposed of. If the silver constituted a bride price, the silver hoard would most probably have been deposited on the bride’s parental farm.

The deposition may have been envelopped in religious conceptions. Belief that the buried treasures and grave goods would be of use to the deceased in the life beyond, as proclaimed in "The Ynglinga Saga", has been used on occasions as an argument supporting the theory that the hoards have remained untouched for centuries. The treasures were simply not intended for mortal use.

Maybe the treasure was considered as a sacrifice to the gods or spirits. That they remain unclaimed would be due to the reason for their deposition – a sacrifice in the hope of protection, happiness and prosperity on the farm. Still today there is a Gotlandic saying that silver in the home will bring good luck!

The order and context of the material culture are not solely remains of prehistoric material production and the arrangement of material objects, but also of prehistoric ideals and conceptions. A study of the relationship between the ancient myths and folklore and the created objects provides us with yet another approach to our prehistory.

Treasure, or the "dragon’s gold", has been a fond subject in story-writing throughout Northern Europe. The Icelandic sagas were written down in the 13th century, but are deemed to reflect actual conditions in Viking Age Scandinavia during the Nordic Viking Age, despite the poetic form. The study of these and other Early Medieval literature conveys an impression of how gold and other forms of wealth might have been valued in the Viking Age.

The tears of Freyja, the drops of Draupnir, the hair of Sif, the fire of Aegir and the seed-corn of Fyris-fields. We have many names for the things we love, and the kennings – a form of circumlocution – for gold in the Icelandic sagas are numerous. Gold enjoyed an exclusive status in Iron Age society. It was indestructible, connected with a mythical origin and considered to possess magic power.

Not infrequently do we come across inscriptions like "Sigurd made me" or "Torvald owns me" on objects from the Viking Age and Medieval Period. These objects are often luxury goods, which are even bestowed with proper names in the sagas, possessing special qualities, and almost giving an impression of being living creatures.

Examples include Draupnir, Oden’s golden ring, that every ninth night spawned nine identical rings, or Svija-swine, the golden ring inherited and owned by King Adils in Uppsala. The scald Eyvind also owned a gold ring, Molde, which was unearthed long ago.

These objects were animated and lived in symbiosis with their owners, the owner’s prosperity and misfortunes being transmitted to the objects. Gold and silver were the material manifestation of a person’s success and reputation. In the same way an object could transfer part of the former owner’s traits to the succeeding owner.

Gold was habitually used for the acquisition of retainers. The chieftain was required to be generous with gifts to his followers. Bracelets of gold were such gifts.

In the ancient Icelandic language, there was a particular word for gold rings; "baugr" (bow). This word can often be found in the Edda, and in the scaldic poems we find metaphors for chieftains, such as "ring flingers" and "wealth squanderers"

In the Icelandic saga about Egil Skallagrimson, we can read that King Ethelstan gave him two gold rings, each weighing one mark. In the sagas mention is often made of whether it was a question of whole or half mark rings. Apparently, they were valued by their weight.

Even riches concealed in hiding places represented the success, happiness and prosperity of the kin. There was even a special expression for wealth hidden in the ground: jardfé (earth fairy).

The thought of procuring some treasure was indeed enticing; whoever found the treasure became rich. But there was no guarantee that the treasure would also bring happiness.The ancient Nordic sagas relate stories of stashed away hoards and of evil dragons who guarded their gold. Whoever concealed a hoard bound it with a spell and incantations, so that it could never fall into the hands of an uninitiated.

The Ancient Nordic legend of the dragon-slayer Sigurd tells the story of how Sigurd slew the dragon Fafnir and seized his treasure. On the point of death the dragon prophesied that the treasure would be Sigurd’s road to ruin and eventual death. The dragon’s prediction came true. Not only Sigurd, but all his kinsmen, were plunged into destruction.

The 8th century epic poem of Beowulf mentions a treasure hoard that had been amassed by generations of a highly reputed Geatish Royal House. The last survivor in the line allowed himself to be buried with the treasure. At the burial he uttered a gruesome curse:

"The glorious princes who first placed that gold there had solemnly pronounced that until domesday any man attempting to plunder the hoard should be guilty of wickedness, confined, tormented and tortured by the devil himself ... That mighty legacy, gold of men long dead, lay under a curse: it was enchanted so that no human might enter the cavern".

Even this treasure was guarded by a dragon. Beowulf received a goblet that one of his men had managed to extract from the hoard. The dragon got his revenge on Beowulf and his kin. Beowulf managed to kill the dragon, but he too was mortally wounded. His men then reburied the treasure along with their chieftain:

The objects in the hoards provide us with valuable information about the underlying community. The hoards indicate to a certain extent a community’s access to precious metal, but of even greater significance, demonstrate how the community in question has had the possibility, encouraged, or maybe even been obliged to withdraw enormous quantities of precious metal from circulation above the ground.

Jewellery, coins and other processed metal give information on craft techniques, degree of skill, design and style. The idiom of design and style probably symbolised status and affliliation within and between communities. During long periods of time a certain idiom has been the norm. It can then be deduced that the style has had an underlying symbolic significance. An example is the strict adherence to the highly stylized animal ornamentation during the greater part of the Early and Late Iron Age (400–1100 A.D). This can be compared with the Medieval plant ornamentation and eventually the more and more naturalistically portrayed people, animals and devils.

The Viking Age gold and silver smithing was of amazingly high quality.The craftsmen’s techniques and long experience of craftsmanship lay behind this work, which the modern goldsmith with today’s modern techniques can no longer accomplish.

The Viking Age upper class needed lavish goods not only for their own use, but even as gifts to exchange with the empires and dynasties of the surrounding world. The goldsmith had a very important duty to perform. His work demanded time, patience and a thorough knowledge of the contemporaneous techniques and idioms. There must have been goldsmith specialists in the Viking Age society, and there is every reason to presume that the most skilful were held in high estimation.

The Icelandic sagas provide striking examples of the position of the smiths and their craft in the Viking Age society. This applied not only to the weapon forgers, whose work often meant the difference between life and death for the wielder, but also to the jeweller, whose creations were used for status-accentuating purposes. The great man, who had also mastered a craft, was held in very high esteem. Egil Skallagrimson was said to be as good a smith as he was a writer.

The heroes and kings in the sagas were often in close contact with a master smith, who supplied them with weapons and luxury goods bearing almost magic qualities. In the saga about Sigurd the Dragon Slayer, Regine, the treacherous, but quick-witted smith, forged a sword with which Sigurd would later slay the dragon Fafnir.

Often the "wee folk underground" and the dwarfs are portrayed as being highly skilful smiths, and both the Nordic and other myths mention the Aesir smiths. Of all the gods in the Ancient Nordic mythology Tor excelled as a smith with his hammer Mjoelner. The gods also owned other magic luxury goods that had been forged by the most skilful among the dwarfs.

On a Gotlandic picture stone from Ardre Parish, there is a depiction of what is generally believed to be an extract from the Ancient Nordic saga about Wayland the smith.

The Lord of the Elves, Wayland, was the most skilful of smiths. He forged both weapons and jewellery of the most amazing quality. When King Nidud heard of this, he had these treasures confiscated and took Wayland prisoner. Wayland was placed in a smithy on a desert islet, where he was forced to forge for the king. In order to prevent his escape, the king had Wayland hamstrung. All the time Wayland plotted revenge in greatest secrecy. One day he enticed the king’s sons into his smithy, on the pretext of showing them his work. Immediately he chopped off their heads and hid their bodies under the water pit of the bellows. Of their skulls he made magnificent silver-plated bowls and of their teeth he made a necklace for the king’s daughter, and their eyes were made into jewels of glittering precious stones that he presented to the queen. Later the king’s daughter visited the smithy. Wayland plied her with mead until she fell asleep. He violated her, leaving her with child.

Wayland’s brother collected birds’ feathers that he gave to Wayland in secrecy. Of these Wayland made himself two large wings, with which he managed to escape. In the course of his flight, he enumerated his foul deeds to the unsuspecting king Nidud, who thus suffered the accomplished revenge.

The descriptions of the smith in the sagas and myths have innumerable parallels in later folklore. True-life smiths were accredited supernatural qualities and were thought to understand and be capable of more than other mortals. Further to their special knowledge of the actual forging processes, they were considered capable of healing the sick, of exposing thieves and of putting spells on man and beast.

It was important to keep in with the smith. The mysterious shroud surrounding him and his trade gave rise to notions of his collaboration with the powers of darkness, indeed with the devil himself ...

The chief element in almost all Nordic metalwork art from the period 400–1100 A.D. is the strongly stylised animal ornamentation. The repetition of a certain style down several centuries can hardly be a coincidence. The animal ornamentation must have had an obvious and pregnant meaning in Iron Age society.

The origin of the Nordic animal ornamentation has not been established. During the Iron Age different variations of animal ornamentation occurred, spread over a large geographical area between the Steppe in the east of Central Asia, the British Isles in the west, the Nordic countries in the north, and Central Europe in the south.

Quite obviously, contacts between the various tribes have been of significance to the development of the handicraft, and the craftsmen in the different areas have been inspired and influenced by each other’s artistic expression. Any attempt at localising one single common place of origin for the various styles would be very difficult, and almost certainly futile.

Animal ornamentation existed in the Nordic society from the Roman Iron Age to the Viking Age. There was an obvious need to express oneself and assimilate this design within the Nordic regions, irrespective of contact with outside cultural groups.

The earliest animal ornamentation in the Nordic regions can be found on mounts and costume brooches from the 5th century. They consist of simple, small animal depictions, alongside various geometrical figures. During the ensuing centuries up to the 12th century, the animal motif was subjected to a long series of exciting changes, from relatively simple animal silhouettes to all the more elaborate, surface-filling patterns.

Horselike, birdlike, humanlike and dragonlike creatures sweep across the surfaces. In most cases it is more or less impossible to determine the species of the animals that appear in the animal ornamentation. We must presume that the artist rarely intended to depict any particular species, preferring to keep the distinction between man and beast, as well as between one animal or another indefinite. Common for all animal ornamentation during this period is the choice of motif – the animal – and the high level of abstraction.

  The arts and crafts within the Nordic regions also exhibit local variations. On Gotland, for example, there is a pronounced design, e.g. the E-bracteates from the Migration Period, as well as the animal-head shaped brooches and the fish-head shaped pendants from the Viking Age.

"... NEVER HAVE I SEEN PEOPLE OF MORE PERFECT PHYSIQUE. THEY ARE AS TALL AS DATE PALMS AND WITH A RUDDY COMPLEXION ... THEIR MEN WEAR A GARMENT DRAPED OVER ONE HALF OF THEIR BODIES, LEAVING ONE HAND FREE. EACH MAN CARRIES AN AXE, A SWORD AND A KNIFE. THEY NEVER PART FROM THESE ITEMS. THEIR SWORDS ARE BROAD AND WITH FRANKISH PATTERNS. EACH ONE BEARS FROM HIS FINGER TO HIS NECK GREEN TREES, PICTURES AND THE LIKE (probably referring to tatooing. Auth.rem.)

Vanity has always been a human trait. In the Viking Age pictoral art, the hairstyles, costumes and sets of jewellery worn at the time have always been intimated. Contemporary travellers have described the Vikings as bearing either tattoos or cosmetics.

Jewellery has undoubtedly been worn by anyone having the means of paying for it. Some types of jewellery have been more common than others, judging from the archaeological source material. A clear standardisation of the Viking Age jewellery composition would suggest a uniform dress, where certain jewels were included as regular costume accessories.

There has obviously been a difference in the sets of jewels worn by men and women. Typical Gotlandic female jewellery included the animal-head and pill-box shaped brooches, the fish-head shaped pendants, bead sets and personal objects hanging on fine chains. Typical male jewellery included the penannular brooches and belt-mounts, as well as costly personal armaments. Bracelets and rings have been worn by both men and women.

Jewels found in graves differ from those in depositions and hoards. The grave yields are almost always of bronze and iron. In the female graves the animal-head and pill-box shaped brooches are the most common. Penannular brooches are most common in the male graves. More unusual jewels like bead sets, fish-head shaped pendants and jewels of precious stones are more frequent in the depositions and hoards than in graves. One example is the hoard from Vibble in Västerhejde.

The animal-head shaped brooches correspond to the tortoise shell brooches on the Swedish mainland. These brooches have had the practical function of holding together the garments, e.g. the shoulder straps. They have even been worn by small girls. Miniature animal-shaped brooches have been uncovered in infant graves. On Gotland they are often found lying in threes in the graves, and not as they are presumed to have been worn, i.e. in pairs.

Pill-box shaped brooches embellished with silver and gold are rare. They are discovered in rather unusual combinations alongside fish-head shaped pendants and beads of gold and glass. They are never found in combination with coins, nor in graves where the jewels are less elaborate.

Polished rock crystals set in silver have not been found anywhere in the Nordic regions except on Gotland. They turn up among hoards and grave goods from the transition period between the Viking Age and the Medieval Period and they also appear during this period out in Europe.

Large natural deposits of rock crystal have been discovered in the Alps, although the silver-mounted rock crystals on Gotland probably emanate from Persia, when the town of Basra was a renowned centre for crystal crafts during the prehistoric periods.

Most of the rock crystals on Gotland are lens-shaped and the ornamentation on the mount suggests that they were already set in the silver mounts when imported from the Slavic regions. The ornamentation on the mount of the spherical crystals differs and might well have been created on Gotland.

The polished rock crystals have a magnifying effect, which has led to theories of them having been used as magnifying glasses. Suggestions have even been put forth that they were used as navigational aids. The most commonly accepted interpretation, however, is that they were worn as adornment.

The Viking Age silver hoards often consist of complete pieces, or fragments of jewellery, silver and gold rods, silver bars, cut silver and coins. In the Viking Age, coins were valued, like all other precious metal, according to content and weight. This meant that the value of a coin was not dependent on its design, nor was the value of a silver hoard dependent on how long it had been kept hidden. In coin-producing countries, on the other hand, the value of the coin diminished as soon as one design was replaced by another.

The coins in the Viking Age silver hoards do not emanate from Gotland, but from other areas, where coins were issued. Minting meant that the coin was given a value greater than the weight value.

The coin issuer wanted to earn as much as possible on his coinage. Payment with coins not bearing the area’s own stamp was prohibited. People were obliged to exchange the invalid coins for valid ones. The moneyer increased the worth of his design by retaining e.g. 1/3 of the silver he received as a fee.

Every coin conveys its own personal story. The place of mintage and the name or portrait of the moneyer indicate where and under whose rule the coins were issued. The Arabic coins always bear explicit dates of production. Otherwise, the period during which the coin was struck can be ascertained according to the name of the King or the portrait of the Emperor. The most recent coin in a hoard (TPQ) indicates the earliest date of deposition. The dating of a coin also enables the calculation of the time the coin had been in circulation before it ended up in the soil.

  The condition of the coin indicates the economic system within its circulation area. In coin-producing regions the actual minting furnished the coin with a higher value than that of the bullion it contained. These were known as monetary societies. In non-monetary societies the coins were valued according to content and weight. Nicks (assay marks) in the coins, bent, cut and torn coins indicate that the coins have been in the hands of people who wanted to check their silver content.

From the 1140s onwards, local coinage was established on Gotland. This meant that a need of coins arose on the island, a need that could no longer be met with foreign coins.

On the mainland, coinage was a means for the king to reinforce and exert his power. On Gotland there must have existed some other authority with similiar possibilities. This authority might well have been the Gotlandic Althing. Sometime later, the moneyer seems to have been someone else, probably a merchant league within Visby.

The first coins on the Swedish mainland were issued in Sigtuna under Olof Skötkonung 995–1000 and Anund Jakob 1025–1030. Only 1 500 of these coins are known and the coinage period was very short. It was first towards the end of the 12th century that the mainland coinage was resumed.

On Gotland, once coinage had got under way, it proceeded without interruption. The youngest silver hoard to date, with Viking Age characteristics, contains a Gotlandic coin struck between 1140 and 1145. This is the oldest Gotlandic coin we have knowledge of, thus providing the earliest evidence of coinage on the island.

Whereas the royal coinage on the mainland involved constant changes in designs, the early Gotlandic type of coin remained in circulation for more than a half a century. This immobility indicates a firm organisation with sufficient economic resources and political means to control the cashflow on Gotland.

Gotlandic coins became more widespread than any other Swedish coin during the Early Medieval Period. In the east of Götaland they were predominant up to the mid 13th century. Consequently, the unit system in both places was on a par.

Even outside Sweden, the Gotlandic coinage and its mint value held a strong position. This was particularly true of the Baltic trading towns. In Riga the right to mint coins was granted to Gotlandic merchants in 1211, and the unit system was to be the Gotlandic one. The Gotlandic unit system was also in force in Reval and Dorpat.

The Gotlandic coinage progressed with various types of coin up to the 1530s. During the coinage period, the island’s own coins totally prevailed in the circulation. The Gotlandic coinage followed a unique development, compared to the rest of the Nordic region. A remarkably large number of types of coin was issued continually with an unchanged choice of motif for an exceptionally long time. W-bracteates held the record with a duration of 161 years.

The deposition of the typical Viking Age hoards on Gotland ceased during the first half of the 12th century. Simultaneously, domestic coinage gathered way, and the building of the numerous Gotlandic Medieval stone churches began.

Silver found new routes and forms of expression. Hoards were still deposited in the Medieval Period, but they are less frequent than during the Viking Age and differ in composition.

Silverhättan, Mannegårde. In the 19th century a hoard comprising about 2 400 coins was uncovered just beside the "Silver Hood Tower" in the botanical gardens. About a hundred of these coins were from Götaland, the rest were Gotlandic. As late as in 1991, a similar hoard was unearthed at Mannegårde in Lye Parish. It consisted of about 2 600 Gotlandic coins. The hoard was deposited in about 1200 A.D.

Large hoards of coins – almost without exception Gotlandic coins – have also been unearthed along the Kalmar coast and on Öland. Some of these hoards contain the incredible sum of nearly 4 000 coins.

The Dune hoard is the largest and most opulent medieval hoard ever unearthed in northern Europe. The number of objects is no less than 122, some of which display an exceptionally high quality of craftsmanship.

The hoard contains characteristic objects from more or less every decade from appr. 1100 to 1382. The latter date is marked by a small brooch made out of a coin minted for the Teutonic Order’s Grand Master Winrich von Kniprode, 1351–1382. Otherwise the hoard contains few coins, apart from five pendants of Moorish and Christian gold coins, minted in 12th century Spain.

Some of the objects were furnished with inscriptions that really fire the imagination. One bowl bears the goldsmith’s self-assured signature: "Simon made me", with the addition: "Zalognev had me made at his own expense; may I therefore be possessed by his descendants. Farewell!" The ornamentation on the bowl would suggest that it was probably made in an English smithy. The owner was probably of Russian origin, judging from the name. Maybe he was a merchant, who commissioned Simon to make the bowl while visiting England.

If the incantation-like inscription’s desire to belong to Zalognev’s descendants actually came true, then the family must have become Gotlandic within a short space of time. The bowl bears yet another inscription, but in the Gotlandic language and in runes: "Siali wrote the runes".

The hoard actually contains a number of eastern elements, including some pendants of probable Russian origin. The hoard contains seven spoons. The largest and most elaborately ornamented one bears the inscription "Siglaiv made me". And on one of the three gold rings "Botvild from Alskog owns me" can be read. Alskog is 25 km south of Dune.

Inscribed on one of the round 12th century brooches is: "Tjocke, the merchant owns me". On the reverse there is a magic formula incised in runes.   The words can be read in all directions. This is known as a cryptogram containing a hidden meaning, in this case the strongest form of protection for a Christian wishing to protect himself from the powers of darkness. Our Father, the sign of the cross and the sign of eternity A & O, the beginning and the end, all squeezed together in the same formula.

The owner of the Dune hoard had added yet another element, the cryptogram was incised in runes. At that time it was common knowledge that the runes in themselves bore magic qualities. Every rune had a numerical value. By combining these numerical values in an ingenious way, the inscription could be given a special magic effect.

The string of words in the cryptogram dates back to the primitive Christian times. In 1936 it was discovered incised into the walls of houses in two different places in Pompeij. Less than 50 years after the Crucifixion of Christ in Jerusalem, the Lord’s Prayer was not only known in an Italian town, but had even given rise to a magic formula which would live on for over 1 000 years and become widely spread throughout the Christian world.

The inscription must have been incised after the brooch had come into the Dune family’s possession, the same inscription having even been found on a Persian silver cup – in this case the owner, just to be on the safe side, has added yet another magic sign; the pentagram, or "King Salomos’ seal", as it is also called.

There is every reason to suspect that the purpose of all this magic has been to protect the owner or object. The owner of the hoard has quite obviously been well acquainted with the secret wisdom. Even on deposition, this knowledge was put into use. The hoard was discovered surrounded by the remains of its container – a wooden box – above which there lay a broken scythe. Iron was believed to have protective qualities against evil. The concealer of the hoard at Dune might have placed the broken scythe on the lid of the box in order to prevent the powers of darkness from gaining power over the treasure or its owner.

The Dune hoard was left alone for over five hundred years. Whether this was due to the owner’s spells, the whims of Fate or pure coincidence we will probably never know ...

Today, the Dune hoard is on exhibition at the National Museum of Antiquities in Stockholm. It tops the list of those treasures that the county museum wishes to acquire on loan.

During the Medieval Period jewellery began to be mass produced. This led to a marked deterioration in the quality of craftsmanship. Mass produced jewellery could be spread in large batches, and was accessible to the common man. Craft of high quality was reserved for the upper ranks of society.

The Bunge hoard provides an example of mass-produced jewellery from the 14th century, which had been deposited along with a number of Gotlandic, German and Danish coins, as well as some silver spoons in a clay vessel. The most recent coin was struck in 1529.

The Medieval upper class donated land and wealth to the church. Not only would these gifts put the donator in a more favourable position in life beyond, but would also furnish him with prestige in the present world. With time, the church became very prosperous and was one of the greatest political powers in the Medieval Society.

With Christianity a new group of valuable objects was introduced, directly associated with the Christian ceremonies.The most lavish was the church silver that was used for the wine and wafers at the celebration of the Holy Communion. This included the chalice, the pix and the paten.

The Franciscan Order in Visby wrote in their journals that Erik of Pomerania, on his arrival in 1411, initiated the building of a castle: Visborg Castle. It is widely believed that the Teutonic Knights had previously started building a castle on the same spot.

The building of a castle required an enormous work force. Stone dressers, mortar makers, masons, carpenters, smiths and labourers all did their share. Even disregarding these day-workers, the castle was still Gotland’s biggest working place.

In 1485 the number of permanently employed was 193, comprising squires, pages and sailors. These formed the castle’s defence force, but there were also tradesmen like the pantler, the cooks, the butler, the baker, the malter, the bird catcher, the hunter, the tailor, the tanner, the goldsmith, the gunpowder maker, the pipe borer, the herald, the groom, scribe and the chaplain.

Throughout its life the castle was run alternatively by Danish and Swedish castellans. In 1679 the Danes brought its existence to a final end with the help of dynamite. Visborg Castle was levelled to the ground.

Some things survived, however – including the inventory of Visborg Castle Oratory, including chasubles, a yellow antependium and an altar cloth "... old and nibbled to pieces by rats."

The church silver was handed over to St George’s hospital church and eventually ended up at Gotland’s County Museum of History.

Silver in the home will bring good luck. During the 18th century newly-produced silver goblets and silver spoons became a common occurrence in the halls of the Gotlandic farms.

  Where did the raw material for these silver goblets come from? Evidently, any silver hoards, that were found, were melted down and transformed into new objects. In one particular case from the end of the 18th century, it is mentioned that some Viking Age coins provided the raw material for two large silver goblets "which were to remain in the ownership of Vibble farm".

On the night between 28th and 29th july 1566, one of the worst sea disasters in the history of the Baltic Sea took place. The Nordic seven year war had been raging for 3 years. After battles with the Swedes, part of the Danish-Lübeckian fleet sailed to Visby to bury a noble officer.

The funeral procession had hardly returned to the ships when the storm was upon them. Within the span of a few hours the Danish Lübeckian fleet lost 14 warships and a crew of between 6 000 and 8 000 men.

Sometimes we come uncanningly close to people in the great sea disaster of 1566. Marine archaeologists believe that they have managed to make connections between certain yields from the sea disaster in 1566 and named individuals from the shipwrecks.

Just off Brissund, north of Visby, divers found the handle of a silver dagger, as well as an admiral’s whistle and an accumulation of German coins. The position of the objects uncovered indicate that they had been stored together. The German coins would suggest that the ship had been part of the Lübeckian fleet.

In Fredrik II’s Chronicles from 1680, the names of the floundered ships are recorded, as well as their positions along the Visby coast when the storm broke out. Of the Lübeckian ships, the "Josva" would appear to have been placed in the most northerly position. If this is correct the objects would have belonged to someone on board the Josva.

The silver whistle was the sign of an admiral. In Fredrik II:s chronicles, even the names of the higher ranking officers have been recorded. The Admiral of the Josva was Johann Kampferbeck. Even if he lost his valuables, he is reported to have survived that terrifying night in 1566.

According to the chronicles, the Danish Vice Admiral’s ship, the Hannibal also floundered just south of Visby. Divers have found a few objects, including a silver spoon, off the coast by the former hamp factory/present sewage treatment works. On the reverse of the spoon bowl, initials and heraldic shields are engraved. They could both be connected directly with Hannibal’s Vice Admiral Jens Truidsson Ulfstand and his wife Lisbet Bille. The spoon must have been belonged to him.

Jens Truidsson Ulfstand, contrary to Johann Kampferbeck, lost his life in the waves off Visby.

There have always been people who, goaded by avarice, have been tempted to engage in systematic searches for treasure hoards. We know that graves have been rifled ever since prehistoric times, and that hoards have undoubtedly been discovered and kept a secret, sold or melted down beyond recognition.

Keeping treasures and other archaeological finds in private custody has long been prohibited by law. The Medieval provincial laws decreed that whoever found any treasure was obliged to hand over half of its contents to the king. The treasure had no antiquarian value, but was valued solely by the weight and content of the metal. In the 17th century, interest in ancient monuments and individual antiquities was aroused, as part of a political, national-romantic endeavour to assert the magnificent historic background of the fatherland. This interest was directed towards solitary, exceptional objects that could reinforce the conception of a magnificent ancient history, with mighty dynasties and important centres.

Not until the 1890s were the prehistoric treasures granted better antiquarian protection by way of a prohibition against melting down precious metals.

During the 1970s and 80s, Sweden, and Gotland in particular, suffered from an extensive ‘looting wave’. Graves, settlements and known treasure sites were plundered by private individuals equipped with metal detectors. The stolen objects ended up, almost without exception, in private collections. The looting was quite obviously well organised, and operated by international gangs specialised in treasure hunts.

The situation was brought under control by an intensive mass-medial information campaign, as well as an amendment of the law in July 1985, whereby the use of metal detectors was restricted on the mainland and strictly forbidden for private use on Gotland. At the beginning of the 1990s the private use of metal detectors was even prohibited on the Swedish mainland.

The looting of ancient monuments is considered a serious crime, since the objects are worth millions out on the market.

The Swedish Cultural Heritage Act is unique in the world as regards the protection and preservation of our ancient heritage. Objects that are stolen and forever hidden from the knowledge of our antiquarian authorities create black holes in the complete picture of our history.

Those who engaged in treasure hunts and looting during the late Medieval Period were considered to be the dregs of society. Digging for treasure was a violation that was believed to incur misery, mental derangement or dire illness as a consequence.

Still during the 19th century there was a rich oral tradition of treasure tales throughout Scandinavia, not least on Gotland. In contrast to the ill-boding tales of former times, the more recent tales bore an air of ridicule.

The tales relate how the whereabouts of hidden treasure can be perceived, and what must be done to get hold of it. Normally its location is disclosed by a shimmer: "dragon fire" or "fiery goods". The next stage – trying to gain possession of the treasure – always proves to be easier said than done!

The treasure hoards are protected by a sentinel; a dragon, a black dog or even a hen! A cunning plan must be worked out so as to get hold of the coveted gold. One of the golden rules is absolute silence. All attempts must be made to avoid being coaxed into laughter or flight by the jesting antics performed by the guard. As soon as the treasure seekers give themselves away, the treasure immediately disappears, and the whole enterprise has been in vain.

The lucky ones who eventually acquire their treasure have followed the prescribed rules to the letter, or else they have taken something home, that first on arrival turns out to be a treasure hoard. Their fearlessness and open minds are often rewarded by seemingly commonplace objects being transformed into wealth.

All objects depicted in the book are on exhibition in the Treasury at the Historical Museum of Gotland, unless otherwise stated.